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Date: April 29, 2024 Mon
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Results for job training
8 results foundAuthor: McEvoy, Kieran Title: Enhancing Employability in Prison and Beyond: A Literature Review Summary: This literature review presents a comprehensive survey of books, reports and journal articles on crime and employability. Chapters include: Crime, Employment & Offending; Employability, Education and Training In Prison; Post Release Policy and Practice: What Works?: Good Practice & Desistance from Crime; Employment, Connectedness and the Notion of Social Capital; and Barriers to Employability. Details: NIACRO (Northern Ireland Association for the Care and Resettlement of Offenders), 2008. 53p. Source: Internet Resource Year: 2008 Country: United States URL: Shelf Number: 119369 Keywords: EmploymentEx-OffendersJob TrainingRehabilitation |
Author: Schochet, Peter Z. Title: National Job Corps Study and Longer-Term Follow- Up Study: Impact and Benefit-Cost Findings Using Survey and Summary Earnings Records Data Summary: Job Corps stands out as the nation’s largest, most comprehensive education and job training program for disadvantaged youths. It serves disadvantaged youths between the ages of 16 and 24, primarily in a residential setting. The program’s goal is to help youths become more responsible, employable, and productive citizens. Each year, it serves more than 60,000 new participants at a cost of about $1.5 billion, which is more than 60 percent of all funds spent by the U.S. Department of Labor (DOL) on youth training and employment services. Because Job Corps is one of the most expensive education and training programs currently available to youths, DOL sponsored the National Job Corps Study (conducted from 1993 to mid-2004) to examine the effectiveness of the program. Mathematica Policy Research, Inc. (MPR), was the prime contractor for the study, with subcontractors Battelle Human Affairs Research Centers and Decision Information Resources, Inc. (DIR). DOL subsequently contracted with MPR to examine longer-term earnings impacts and benefit-cost comparisons using the same Job Corps sample and earnings data from administrative records. The Job Corps evaluation was designed to address the following research questions: • How effective is Job Corps overall at improving the outcomes of its participants? Does the program increase educational attainment and literacy? Does it reduce criminal behavior and the receipt of welfare benefits? And, most importantly, does it improve postprogram employment and earnings? • Do Job Corps impacts differ across groups defined by youth and center characteristics and for residents and nonresidents? Do impacts differ by age, gender, race and ethnicity, arrest history, or educational level? Are impacts associated with center performance level, type of center operator, or center size? • Do program benefits exceed program costs? Is Job Corps a good investment of society’s resources? The Job Corps study is based on an experimental design where, from late 1994 to early 1996, nearly 81,000 eligible applicants nationwide were randomly assigned to either a program group, whose members were allowed to enroll in Job Corps, or to a control group, whose 6,000 members were not. The study research questions have been addressed by comparing the outcomes of program and control group members using survey data collected during the four years after random assignment and using administrative earnings records covering the ten years after random assignment (at which point sample members were between the ages of 26 and 34). This report is the final in a series of project reports presenting impact and benefit-cost findings from this large-scale random assignment evaluation of Job Corps.1 The report serves two main purposes. First, it presents an additional year of earnings impacts to those presented in the previous project report (Schochet and Burghardt 2005) and updates findings from the benefitcost analysis. Second, it places the earnings impact findings in perspective, by providing a comprehensive summary of key study findings across all project reports. Thus, this selfcontained report pulls together and interprets the main evaluation results from the past twelve years. Details: Princeton, NJ: Mathematica Policy Research, Inc., 2006. 98p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 4, 2012 at: http://wdr.doleta.gov/research/FullText_Documents/National%20Job%20Corps%20Study%20and%20Longer%20Term%20Follow-Up%20Study%20-%20Final%20Report.pdf Year: 2006 Country: United States URL: http://wdr.doleta.gov/research/FullText_Documents/National%20Job%20Corps%20Study%20and%20Longer%20Term%20Follow-Up%20Study%20-%20Final%20Report.pdf Shelf Number: 126236 Keywords: Cost-Benefit AnalysisEmployment (U.S.)Ex-Offenders, EmploymentJob TrainingVocational Education and Training |
Author: Wiegand, Andrew Title: Evaluation of the Re-Integration of Ex-Offenders (RExO) Program: Two-Year Impact Report Summary: The Reintegration of Ex-Offenders (RExO) project began in 2005 as a joint initiative of the Department of Labor, Employment and Training Administration (ETA), the Department of Justice (DOJ), and several other federal agencies. RExO aimed to capitalize on the strengths of faith-based and community organizations (FBCOs) and their ability to serve prisoners seeking to reenter their communities following the completion of their sentences. In June 2009, ETA contracted with Social Policy Research Associates (SPR) and its subcontractors MDRC and NORC at the University of Chicago to conduct an impact evaluation of 24 RExO grantees. The programs funded under RExO primarily provided three main types of services: mentoring, which most often took the form of group mentoring, but also included one-on-one mentoring and other activities; employment services, including work readiness training, job training, job placement, job clubs, transitional employment, and post-placement follow-up; and case management and supportive services. This report summarizes the impacts of the RExO program on offender outcomes in four areas: service receipt, labor market success, recidivism, and other outcomes. Using a random assignment (RA) design, the evaluation created two essentially equivalent groups: a program group that was eligible to enroll in RExO and a control group that was prevented from enrolling in RExO but could enroll in other services. Key findings can be summarized as follows: - RExO significantly increased the number and types of services received. Program group members reported having received, on average, a wider array of services than control group members. Program group members were more likely to participate in job clubs or job readiness classes and to receive vocational training, job search assistance, referrals to job openings, and help with resume development and filling out job applications. Program group members were also more likely to report participating in mentoring sessions and to declare that there was someone from a program who went out of their way to help them and to whom they could turn for advice on personal or family issues. Despite these differences, it is important to note that the program primarily provided work readiness training and support services; fewer than one in five RExO participants (and one in seven control group members) received any form of vocational or other forms of training designed to enhance their skills in in-demand industries. - The economic downturn placed additional pressures on ex-offenders. Unemployment rates in grantee communities were high. Data gathered as part of the evaluation's implementation study indicated that employers that previously hired ex-offenders subsequently had an abundant and overqualified pool of candidates vying for fewer jobs and were less willing to hire individuals with criminal backgrounds, potentially affecting study participants' ability to find and retain employment. In addition, cuts to state and local budgets as a result of the economic downturn reduced other services that could help ex-offenders smoothly re-enter society. - RExO significantly increased self-reported employment, within both the first and second years after RA. These increases were small (between 2.6 and 3.5 percentage points), but statistically significant. In addition, RExO significantly reduced the length of time between RA and self-reported first employment. At any given point following random assignment, program group members who had not yet found work were about 11 percent more likely to do so in the next time period than were control group members who had also not yet found work. However, there were no differences between the study groups in the total number of days employed in the two-year period following RA. - RExO had no effect on reported hourly wages, but did increase total reported income from all sources. There were no differences between the study groups in their reported hourly wages at either the first job obtained after RA or at their current or most recent job, but program group members reported higher average total income from all sources. It is not clear whether this higher average income is due to program group members working more total hours than control group members, obtaining more non-wage income, or some other reason, but program group members reported receiving approximately eight percent more income than control group members. - RExO had no effect on recidivism. Using both administrative data and survey data, program group members were no less likely to have been convicted of a crime or incarcerated than control group members. While results from the survey indicate that RExO reduced the arrest rate (in the first and second years after RA) among program group members, the administrative data found no such effect. Analyses of this discrepancy suggest this difference is driven by either recall bias or otherwise inaccurate reporting on the part of program group members. There was little evidence that RExO affected an array of other outcomes. RExO had no effect on self-reported mental health, substance abuse, housing, and child support. There was some evidence that RExO may have affected health outcomes, as program group members were less likely to report having made any visits to the emergency room (a difference of 4.2 percentage points) or that their physical health limited their work or activities in the most recent month (a difference of 4.7 percentages points). Given that RExO grantees only rarely provided services directly to address these issues, it is perhaps not surprising that there are no clear effects in these areas. Taken together, these findings present a mixed picture of the impact of RExO. On the one hand, it is clear that RExO increased the number and types of services received by program group members, and that it improved the self-reported labor market outcomes of participants as well. But there is little evidence this translated into any impacts on recidivism. Further, the impacts on employment, while statistically significant, are quite small in practical terms. Details: Oakland, CA: Social Policy Research Associates, 2015. 163p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 31, 2015 at: http://www.mdrc.org/sites/default/files/ETAOP_2015-04.pdf Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: http://www.mdrc.org/sites/default/files/ETAOP_2015-04.pdf Shelf Number: 136625 Keywords: Case ManagementEx-Offender EmploymentEx-Offenders Job TrainingMentoringPrisoner ReentryRecidivismRehabilitation |
Author: Manno, Michelle Title: Engaging Disconnected Young People in Education and Work. Findings from the Project Rise Implementation Evaluation Summary: Educational attainment and early work experience provide a crucial foundation for future success. However, many young adults are disconnected from both school and the job market. Neglecting these young people can exact a heavy toll on not only the individuals but also society as a whole, for example, through lost productivity and tax contributions, increased dependence on public assistance, and higher rates of criminal activity. Project Rise served 18- to 24-year-olds who lacked a high school diploma or the equivalent and had been out of school, out of work, and not in any type of education or training program for at least six months. After enrolling as part of a group (or cohort) of 25 to 30 young people, Project Rise participants were to engage in a 12-month sequence of activities centered on case management, classroom education focused mostly on preparation for a high school equivalency certificate, and a paid part-time internship that was conditional on adequate attendance in the educational component. After the internship, participants were expected to enter unsubsidized employment, postsecondary education, or both. The program was operated by three organizations in New York City; one in Newark, New Jersey; and one in Kansas City, Missouri. The Project Rise program operations and evaluation were funded through the federal Social Innovation Fund (SIF), a public-private partnership administered by the Corporation for National and Community Service. The Mayor’s Fund to Advance New York City and the New York City Center for Economic Opportunity led this SIF project in collaboration with MDRC. Key Findings This report describes how the Project Rise program operated at each local provider, including the extent to which the participants were engaged and achieved desired outcomes. • Participants were attracted to Project Rise more by the education component than by the internship opportunity. • More than 91 percent of program enrollees attended at least some high school equivalency preparation or, less commonly, high school classes. On average, those who attended class received almost 160 hours of instruction. About 72 percent of enrollees began internships; over half of the internship participants worked more than 120 hours. • Although participants received considerable case management and educational and internship programming, the instability in participants’ lives made it difficult to engage them continuously in the planned sequence of activities. Enrolling young people in cohorts with their peers, as well as support from case managers and other adult staff, seemed to help promote participant engagement. The education-conditioned internships appeared to have had a modest influence on encouraging engagement for some participants. • Within 12 months of enrolling in Project Rise, more than 25 percent of participants earned a high school equivalency credential or (much less commonly) a high school diploma; 45 percent of participants who entered with at least a ninth-grade reading level earned a credential or diploma. Further, about 25 percent entered unsubsidized employment in this timeframe. • It may be important to consider intermediate (or perhaps nontraditional) outcome measures in programs for disconnected young people, since such measures may reflect progress that is not apparent when relying exclusively on more traditional ones. Details: New York: MDRC, 2015. 190p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 6, 2015 at: http://www.mdrc.org/sites/default/files/2015_Project_Rise_FR.pdf Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: http://www.mdrc.org/sites/default/files/2015_Project_Rise_FR.pdf Shelf Number: 137212 Keywords: At-Risk YouthDelinquency PreventionEducationJob Training |
Author: McGrew, Annie Title: The Case for Paid Apprenticeships Behind Bars Summary: Luis Rivera has spent the past two decades struggling to find stable, family-sustaining work. Although he was released from prison in the 1990s after serving a two-year sentence, his criminal record still casts a long shadow over his employment prospects. As a result, Rivera has spent most his life piecing together dead-end, informal, and part-time jobs, and trying to support a family of four while earning minimum wage. Rivera's story is unfortunately far from unique. Today, as many as 1 in 3 Americans have a criminal record. This has meant that each year, millions of people with criminal records struggle to find good jobs that make it possible for them to support their families and move on with their lives. For people of color and those with disabilities, who face overwhelmingly disproportionate rates of incarceration, a criminal record is yet one more obstacle to employment in a labor market that already discriminates against these groups. The challenges Rivera and millions of others in similar circumstances face do not need to be inevitable. Governments at all levels can take steps to improve the labor market attachment of the formerly incarcerated-beginning while they are still behind bars. Apprenticeship programs for the incarcerated, which combine on-the-job training with relevant classroom instruction, could significantly improve employment outcomes for returning citizens. This is especially true if participating inmates are earning wages for their time on the job. This brief argues that greater access to paid prison apprenticeship programs could effectively improve inmates' post-release outcomes, particularly for a group of individuals who already face significant barriers to labor market entry. Details: Washington, DC: Center for American Progress, 2017. 14p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 7, 2017 at: https://cdn.americanprogress.org/content/uploads/2017/04/27102832/ApprenticeshipInPrisons-briefNew.pdf Year: 2017 Country: United States URL: https://cdn.americanprogress.org/content/uploads/2017/04/27102832/ApprenticeshipInPrisons-briefNew.pdf Shelf Number: 145949 Keywords: Correctional Programs Ex-Offender Employment Job TrainingJobs Prisoner Reentry Vocational Education and Training |
Author: Wiegand, Andrew Title: Evaluation of the Re-Integration of Ex-Offenders (RExO) Program: Final Impact Report Summary: The Reintegration of Ex-Offenders (RExO) project began in 2005 as a joint initiative of the Department of Labor, Employment and Training Administration (ETA), the Department of Justice (DOJ), and several other federal agencies. RExO aimed to capitalize on the strengths of faith-based and community organizations (FBCOs) and their ability to serve prisoners seeking to re-enter their communities following the completion of their sentences. In June 2009, ETA contracted with Social Policy Research Associates (SPR) and its subcontractors MDRC and NORC at the University of Chicago to conduct an impact evaluation of 24 RExO grantees. The programs funded under RExO primarily provided three main types of services: mentoring, which most often took the form of group mentoring, but also included one-on-one mentoring and other activities; employment services, including work readiness training, job training, job placement, job clubs, transitional employment, and post-placement follow-up; and case management and supportive services. Upon enrollment, a participant was typically placed in work readiness training, which ranged from only a few hours to more than 24 hours in total duration. Toward the latter part of this training, or immediately following it, a participant was typically either matched with an individual mentor or asked to participate in group mentoring activities. Surrounding these activities were regular meetings with a case manager (at least bi-weekly, and most often weekly), during which the participant's service needs were discussed, and referrals were made for any needed services. Additionally, a participant discussed potential job leads with his or her case manager (or with a job placement specialist or job developer, in a minority of cases). Although the average duration of participation in RExO was approximately twelve weeks, this varied widely across participants, and the period of intensive participation was often much shorter. Similarly, the actual services participants received varied substantially across grantees. This report summarizes the impacts of the RExO program on offender outcomes in the two main areas of interest: labor market success and recidivism. Using a random assignment (RA) design, the evaluation created two essentially equivalent groups: a program group that was eligible to enroll in RExO and a control group that was prevented from enrolling in RExO but could enroll in other services that were available within the community (and to which program participants also had access). A total of 4,655 participants enrolled in the study, with approximately 60 percent (N=2,804) of those being assigned to the program group and 40 percent (N=1,851) assigned to the control group. The results in this final report are based on outcomes for these individuals in the three-year period after they enrolled into the study, with outcome measures obtained from three different data sources. The first of these was a telephone survey that asked about a range of items, but focused on labor market outcomes and recidivism. The overall response rate to this survey after three years was 64.2 percent, which represented 83.6 percent of those who had responded to a two-year survey. The second set of data used in this report was administrative data on criminal justice outcomes which were sought from each of the 18 states in which RExO grantees operated. The final data source was employment and earnings information collected from the National Directory of New Hires (NDNH), which provided objective and uniform data on employment for all study participants. Details: Oakland, CA: Social Policy Research Associates, 2016. 117p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 19, 2017 at: https://wdr.doleta.gov/research/FullText_Documents/ETAOP-2015-10_The-Evaluation-of-the-Re-Integration-of-Ex-Offenders-%28RExO%29-Program-Final-Impact-Report_Acc.pdf Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: https://wdr.doleta.gov/research/FullText_Documents/ETAOP-2015-10_The-Evaluation-of-the-Re-Integration-of-Ex-Offenders-%28RExO%29-Program-Final-Impact-Report_Acc.pdf Shelf Number: 147405 Keywords: Case Management Ex-Offender Employment Ex-Offenders Job TrainingMentoring Prisoner Reentry Recidivism Rehabilitation |
Author: Cramer, Lindsey Title: Bridges to Education and Employment for Justice-Involved Youth: Evaluation of the NYC Justice Corps Program Summary: This report documents evaluation findings of NYC Justice Corps, a workforce readiness and recidivism reduction program for justice-involved youth, and describes the strengths and challenges as perceived by program staff, participants, and stakeholders. The evaluation highlights what Justice Corps providers-and similar programs-might learn as they work to integrate the goals of education, employment, and cognitive and psychosocial development into program services and activities for justice-involved youth. The authors conclude by identifying actionable recommendations for future programming for youth in NYC, including providing services to at-risk youth and their families to help them connect with their communities and provide stability, building partnerships with local organizations and service providers to overcome barriers to engagement, and providing structured aftercare services such as mentoring or support groups. Details: Washington, DC: Urban Institute, 2019. 88p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 6, 2019 at: https://www.urban.org/sites/default/files/publication/100308/bridges_to_education_and_employment_for_justice-involved_youth_0.pdf Year: 2019 Country: United States URL: https://www.urban.org/sites/default/files/publication/100308/bridges_to_education_and_employment_for_justice-involved_youth_0.pdf Shelf Number: 156249 Keywords: At-Risk Youth Employment Programs Job TrainingJustice-Involved Youth Juvenile Offenders |
Author: Hersch, Joni Title: The Gendered Burdens of Conviction and Collateral Consequences on Employment Summary: Ex-offenders are subject to a wide range of employment restrictions that limit the ability of individuals with a criminal background to earn a living. This Article argues that women involved in the criminal justice system likely suffer a greater income-related burden from criminal conviction than do men. This disproportionate burden arises in occupations that women typically pursue, both through formal pathways, such as restrictions on occupational licensing, and through informal pathways, such as employers' unwillingness to hire those with a criminal record. In addition, women have access to far fewer vocational programs while incarcerated. Further exacerbating this burden is that women involved in the criminal justice system tend to be a more vulnerable population and are more likely to be responsible for children than their male counterparts, making legal restrictions on access to public assistance that would support employment more burdensome for women. We propose programs and policies that may ameliorate these gendered income burdens of criminal conviction, including reforms to occupational licensing, improved access to public assistance, reforms to prison labor opportunities, improvements in labor market information sharing, and expanded employer liability protection. Details: Nashville, TN: Vanderbilt University Law School, 2019. 25p. Source: Internet Resource: Working Paper no. 19-19: Accessed June 14, 2019 at: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3397309 Year: 2019 Country: United States URL: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3397309 Shelf Number: 156421 Keywords: Collateral Consequences Ex-offender Employment Job TrainingJobs Prison Labor Public Welfare |